Published (The Australian)
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/world/real-nowhere-land/story-e6frg6ux-1111116328365
TOMORROW Palestinians - geographically displaced, politically divided and economically distressed - will be marking 60 years since al-Nakbah (the great catastrophe).
Their misfortune began in May 1948, on the same day Israel celebrates its 60th birthday. The yin-yang character of the day marks a new beginning for one people and the beginning of the end for the other. Most people think of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as one between two warring countries and people. This is no fault of theirs.
The terminology describing the place is baffling. Occupied Territories, West Bank and Gaza Strip, 67 green-line borders, 242 borders, armistice borders, UN partition borders: the list goes on. As opposed to Israel, where does Palestine begin and end? Who are its inhabitants?
Israel, for one, is visible, recognised as a country, albeit with changing borders, and a flag. For Palestine, it depends on who and when you ask. Muddled definitions aside, it has to be somewhere between the river and the sea; and going by the maps of the pre-1948 period, it would be exactly that, from the river to the sea. For the past 60 years, however, Palestine has been a transitory compilation of land and territory that Israel had no interest in.
Speaking of the people, ambiguity changes hands. As opposed to the Palestinians, who are the Israeli people? The Jewish people of the state supplemented by those outside longing for aliyah, or the citizens of the state of Israel, including the Jews, Christians, Muslims, Druze, Bedouins and others. How are the modern Israelis related to the Yishuv, the Jewish community in pre-1948 Palestine?
Can a country for the Jewish people anywhere in the world be a home for all its other citizens? The rationale defining the Jewish people, whether Polish, Russian, German, Palestinian or any nationality, challenges the notion of sharing and belonging to a nation and a place.
The Palestinians' existence as a people with a native identity is not based on biblical history. A blend of predominantly Semites, including Muslims, Christians and Jews, that inhabited the area was a coherent society with national aspirations. Of the Middle East countries struggling to achieve independence from colonial rule in the first half of the 1900s, Palestine was more highly developed than many, earning it a Class A mandate from the League of Nations, putting it on a fast track to independence.
The British had other ideas. Influenced by Zionist pressure, the national rights of 90 per cent of Palestinians were ignored to accommodate the wishes of the 10 per cent Jewish minority.
Sixty years later, Palestinians no longer come in keffiyeh colours, white and black. They have seven distinct shades. The darkest goes to those in Gaza, where misery, lack of power and a mounting death toll keep black in fashion. The West Bank Palestinians are barely better off: the brutal occupation and the wall keep grey always in sight.
The third shade are those Palestinians living in East Jerusalem, subjected to daily intimidation and discriminatory regulations aimed at forcing them to leave. The fourth is in pre-1967 Israel, the so-called Israeli Arabs. These second-class citizens, cast always as a "demographic threat", are considered lucky to have democratic and legal rights but are subject to bias in 17 basic rights, one of which denies an internal refugee the right to live in their home village of 1948.
Farther north, the refugee camps of Lebanon hold the bleakest shade. This is where time stopped in 1948, where the sun does not visit the dense camps with windowless walls and narrow alleyways.
To the southeast, the refugee camps of Jordan are better off. The financially strained semi-citizens of Jordan have some rights. They are often reminded of their guest status when there is any political unrest, a predicament they share with Palestinians residing in Kuwait, Egypt, Libya and other Arab states. The minority of diaspora Palestinians finding opportunities for better lives are the exception. Every group is under a different set of restraints, spelling out what they can say or do.
West Bank Palestinians cannot visit Jerusalem or cross the wall; Israeli Arabs cannot go to Gaza or Arab countries; the refugees in Lebanon, Jordan and Syria cannot go to Palestine and a host of other countries; and the people of Gaza cannot go anywhere at all. Palestinians are even barred from many jobs in Lebanon.
As we mark 60 years, we are left with two unfortunate realities: a state that doesn't know who its people are and a people who don't know where their state is. If we are serious about resolving this conundrum and accept that some realities supersede past injustice, three key principles should still hold: no territories can be made exclusive to people on the basis of race or faith; all people are equal, in rights and before the rule of law; and the wrong is acknowledged and individual rights are served and respected, including the fundamental right of the displaced to return to their homes.
At 60, Israel won't be retiring its status as the home for the Jewish people, and the strenuous labour for Palestine continues. But the tradition of the place has it that those who belong to a biological lineage will one day come into their legitimate inheritance.
Amin Abbas is a diaspora Palestinian.
14th May 2008
The Arab Misbaha
A popular Arabic saying goes “when the Misbaha breaks, all the beads fall”. Misbaha is the string of beads used by Muslims to count during prayer.
The commotion in the Arab world continues to swell and won’t settle anytime soon. Protesters in Cairo are leading the way and continue to flock down Tahrir square in greater numbers every week. Mubarak may still be holding to his chair, but when music stops he surely won’t have one. The revolution is firming to bring over 30 years of his rule to end The question however, if the US and the west would allow Egyptians to rid themselves not only of Mubarak but also of those associate with his legacy like Omar Suleiman, his new deputy.
The last couple of weeks confirmed that the Arab generations that grew under oppressive regimes and controlled media were finally liberated by Facebook, YouTube and Twitter. The efficient and long-established practices of mukhabarat or secret service are no longer adequate to face the supremacy of the internet-powered masses. Fear, an old ‘‘friend’’, is now on the “blocked” list for these people.
Amid the storm that is now blowing in Egypt, Yemen, Jordan and Syria, Israel is right in the eye of the storm. The calm today doesn’t reflect the growing anxiety of what this storm may bring tomorrow and there is no hiding of that stance. For Israel, the will of millions of Egyptians equates to nothing concerning who should rule over them. Instead, it advocates for the faltering oppressive regime to be protected. But the Americans find it awkward to preach democracy one week and the opposite the next.
Israel’s fears are well founded. It always hedged its bets on the permanence of neighbouring regimes compliant with Israel’s’ interests regardless of their popularity. Being content to posture as the defiant and strong aggressor among a sea of foes may prove very precarious when the prison guard disappears. True peace is one made between peoples, not governments, whatever Israel may think
Starting in Cairo, if the mounting US strings of influence wane under the momentum for change and the pleas for stability and slow transition give way to transparent popular leadership, three outcomes will emerge across the region — political reform, economic opportunity and a new outlook on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
It is traditional wisdom that to reshape the Arab political terrain you must start from Cairo. Hosting the largest population, military and political influence, Egypt maintains the leader’s role by exporting its workforce, culture and a reading of Islam which counters that of the Saudis.
Doubting the readiness of Arabs to embrace democracy is deceptive and self-serving. Challenges exist, but the majority of Egyptians are tolerant and well educated, and the Muslim Brotherhood will ultimately have to reflect that — the radicals are inconsequential and despised by the majority.
In existence since 1928 and maintaining its popularity by offering services to the poor, the Brotherhood naturally appeals to a few in a country with impoverished millions. Alleging that the majority of its members are radicals is deceitful. Barring sporadic extremist off-shoots attributed by some to Sayyid Qutb’s writings, the group has predominantly advocated non-violence since it was founded by Hassan al-Banna.
The protesters in Tahrir Square and centres like it across the Arab world are young, energetic and internet-savvy. Whilst mostly secular Muslims and Christians, the ones with Islamist tendencies are in fact far more influenced by the likes of popular television preacher Amr Khaled and may not even know who Qutb is. Khaled denounces violence and advocates for better education, positive change and peaceful coexistence with the West. The new celebrity activist Wael Ghonim released this week is a far more accurate representation of the orchestrators of this revolution, not the brotherhood. Ghonim is well educated, smart, has very positive outlook and more importantly, strong exposure to the democratic west.
But would a democracy let alone one that engages with Islamists be allowed to emerge? In the Palestinian Authority, Hamas was elected in transparent elections, only to come under attack the very moment it was sworn in. Consequently Hamas failed, without its pragmatic voices being given the chance to speak, substitute activists with diplomats and transition the movement to a political party. Instead, the West opted to ignore the wishes of Palestinian voters, divide them and push Hamas further into radicalism.
The US and the west ought to let people choose, and respect the choice. Allow sincere inbred democracies that take in moderate Islam to come forward. Strengthen Egyptian moderates, impair the extremists’ portrayal of the west as the interfering enemy and dispel the myth that all Muslims are extreme and violent. Secularism and moderate Islam are not mutually exclusive, and the Egyptians can make it work.
Economically, the stagnant, primitive and consumer-oriented Arab economies are a blend of protective communist and follower capitalist, with combined gross domestic product (GDP) for the 22 countries for 2009 matched by that of Canada alone at $1.6 trillion.
The global economic crisis, unemployment and ragged infrastructure are enormous impediments to turn these economies around. A stable and democratic Middle East, with its strategic geographic location, its access to natural resources, the availability of human capital and access to large markets - including its own - in Africa and Asia are ideal ingredients for economic growth to feed a reformist political agenda
Lastly, the prospect of Israel facing a fresh political scene dictated by the free will of the masses, instead of briefings in diplomatic cables, is perhaps wishful thinking today, but a real possibility tomorrow.
From the Palestine papers saga of last week, we can conclude first that the helpless Palestinian Authority will soon follow Ben Ali. Second, that blatantly continuing the Palestinian dispossession and settlement building will prove to the world that Israel is not in the least bit interested in peace.
The social networks can also expose what Israel was once able to hide. Recognising its own geography, Israel should urgently seek people-to-people peace. Peace shaped by individuals’ rights is more credible than one that bargains with those rights. Only then can Israelis and Palestinians accept each other and accommodate the generations that have lived on or were displaced from the land they both call home.
The Arab giant may have not been fully awoken yet, but it has certainly been given a good stir this week. As for the Arab Misbaha, it broke couple of weeks ago.
Amin Abbas
Diaspora Palestinian 3rd Feb 2011
The Revolutions the Arabs had to have
“alsha’b yoreed eskat al-nizam”; “The people demand the fall of the regime”
The most popular melody in the region these days and most dreaded by the leaders. Lyrics by the people, with no foreign engagement or funding allowed in this grand and long-awaited production. The musical chairs in the Arab world have only just started.
The Arabs are inspired to revolt. The infectious fairytale freedom movement refuses to abate; Peaceful, spontaneous, youthful and with clear purpose. This is not only history being made; it is shaping to be the finest for Arabs in a long time. The loss of life is heartbreaking and regrettable, and yet the sense of collective pride and hope has not been the same in generations.
Libya is a challenge. Silmiyeh - peaceful had to be at the heart of it all; more Egypts not Iraqs awaited. The inborn model for totalitarian regime change known to deliver that Arabs must protect and grow.
Gaddafi and Assad’s “outside conspiracy “nonsense still goes on. The silliness and outright lies are bizarre, for Arabs however, one-man fiction shows became the norm. The blend of fear and propaganda forever worked, but the rules of the game have suddenly changed. The era for these pathetic dictators has ended.
The protests continue to set course, however no genuine change is offered. Dictators are dogged by power illusions and greed. Oust Bin Ali and Mubarak are examples of this, the later - means notwithstanding, contender in the richest men club with Carlos Helú and Bill Gates, as for Gaddafi, candidate for war crimes against his own people. The Arab masses however, with their newly found might, recognize the acts of despairing leaders and are no longer interested in more miscarriages of democracy or eleventh hour offers. They demand the return of their countries and fortunes back to them.
The rapid revelation of events goes beyond the rejection of corruption and absolute power; and demonstrate the serious disparities in future outlook and values and the total failure of the old guard to recognize the sense of urgency of the younger generation, a steady seepage of confidence in regimes that lacked popularity and legitimacy in the first place. Leadership that does not represent, speak for or is even interested in the people it leads has to go.
Surely, an abundance of challenges exist even for Cairo and Tunisia, leading the way of transition. Impartiality of the military, influence of the old guard, entrenched corrupt networks, economic pressures and external influences including that of the US and the West.
The role of the West is despicable in the region. Dictators were protected when considered friends and shady or even tax payers dollars easily traceable to the likes of Mubarak and others. Exposing this dirty laundry is old news, but is now too Hippocratic to sustain, and the reason why a role for the west is unpopular today.
The thorny challenge begun when the tribal and oil producing Libya deviated from the blueprint. Straying in violence, the weakened army had a limited role to play in tipping the balance, and the peaceful masses turned rebels became the prey to Gaddafis' bombs and bullets. The undesirable western involvement could not be avoided and lives had to be protected.
As this unsettling scenario sets a violent precedent, swift action ought to bring focus back on a political alternative. The frail regime must be confronted with popular and internationally recognized resistance to further isolate the man. Gaddafi is on borrowed time and it is the Libyan people that ought to shorten it.
Saleh is following the footsteps of Bin Ali and Mubarak and Yemenis are sticking to the peaceful game-plan. The Army and diplomats have taken the people’s side, and Saleh’s chair is sliding away under him. For Syria, now in the mix, the brutal mukhabarat or secret service state won’t survive the mounting will of the oppressed, and likely to conform to the Egypt model. Concessions were not forthcoming from Assad, and the script of the deposed dictators is in play; quell protests, sack the government, block the internet and accuse Aljazeera and foreign interference.
More challenging are the Oil Sheikdoms. The Khalifas of Bahrain had the opportunity. Shifting from absolute to constitutional monarchy, giving more powers to the people and considering serious reforms may save them. They should accept the country’s make up as the sectarian games has only dead ends. But Bahrain’s neighbors won’t allow this among their fold.
US support for the Saudis to help to quell the protest in Bahrain has one explanation; No democracy is the Gulf is allowed. The risks and economic implications enormous, the political landscape harder to read and the US can’t afford neither watch nor actively intervene. But recent wisdom suggests that is the people that have the final say after all.
For Palestinians the challenge is even greater. The occupied and dispossessed lead by the corrupt, powerless and divided as they face up to the mighty, Israel, as it continues the land grabs and settlement building. And yet, Palestinians foremost priority is to agree on common vision for the future, a crucial prerequisite to their long awaited transformation.
In September, the Egyptians will elect new leadership and so too the Palestinians. Chances are, the out-of-touch Palestinian Authority will follow Ben Ali and Mubarak, and the peace charade will go with it.
The new Egyptian Prime Minister, Essam Sharaf, went to Tahrir square the first Friday after he was appointed and said, “I draw my legitimacy from you the people”. Within minutes, his speech was posted on facebook with thousands of “likes” against it. Arabs are looking for leaders to like and be inspired by. These are the revolutions the Arabs had to have!
Amin Abbas
Diaspora Palestinian
March 2011
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)